Keith Halderman
We see here the real damage that the terrorists have done to American society. They have made “security” the be all and end all of our values. The most repugnant un-America acts are always justified in its name.
Hat tip to Scott Horton
David T. Beito


Apparently, some libertarians and former Ron Paul supporters are switching to McCain because of his choice of Palin. If McCain wins, they will regret their foolish decision.
While McCain made a clever move in picking Palin, he is still....well...John McCain. He shows no sign of abandoning his disdain for the Bill of Rights and, most importantly, his recklessness in foreign policy. By every indication, this decision has nothing to do with a change of heart on a single issue.
The best comparision would be to 1976 when Ronald Reagan picked Richard Schweiker, probably the most pro-big-government Republican in the Senate, as his veep. It was purely a political decision in his case; just like this one.
Roderick T. Long
[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]
I’ve begun a ten-week stint of blogging at The Art of the Possible, a blog devoted to liberal/libertarian dialogue. (The title comes from the line Politics is the art of the possible, a quotation from that great champion of liberal/libertarian dialogue, Otto von Bismarck.) My first post is now up: Poison As Food, Poison As Antidote.
Amy H. Sturgis
Random House dropped Jones's novel, about the child bride of Muhammad, after it was warned that it posed a security risk akin to the publication of The Satanic Verses by Salman Rushdie.
Read"American literary prize blacklists Random House" by Alison Flood of The Guardian
David T. Beito
Obama's choice of Biden, by contrast, was completely uninspired. Biden's record as the ultimate insider only serves to undermine Obama's "change" message. His best hope was to have reinforced this message by picking an independent Democrat or Republican, such as Senator Chuck Hagel of Nebraska or Governor Brian Schweitzer of Montana.
Mark Brady
"Between 2005 and 2007 the market for carbon offsets grew 175%, reaching $110 million (Faris 2007). But just as buying indulgences in the Middle Ages never really erased your sins, carbon offsets rarely counteract your carbon use. Moreover, in some cases, carbon offset projects actually hurt local people. Many experts now believe that well-intentioned consumers are not just wasting their money on offsets, but that purchasing them actually does more harm than good."
Read her essay here.
Roderick T. Long
[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]
Ive been to Indianapolis twice recently: last month for a Liberty Fund conference on Zora Neale Hurston, and last weekend for another Liberty Fund conference, this one on Landes and Posners Economic Structure of Intellectual Property Law, and held at Liberty Funds own offices (and incidentally the first Liberty Fund conference Ive been to where as many as a third of the participants were nonwhite a nice change from the usual complexion, pun intended).
As Ive mentioned before, nearly a third of Liberty & Powers bloggers were at the first conference. Ive now gotten the photos developed; these arent the highest-quality scans, but theyll have to do:
L to R: Keith Halderman, Mark Brady, me, David Beito, Jonathan Bean, Wendy McElroy
ditto
Just the anarchists (other than me): Mark Brady, Wendy McElroy, David Beito
As for the second conference, a few random notes:
When I mentioned that although the early Tarzan books are out of copyright, theyre still restricted because ERBs estate holds the trademark to the characters, Tom Bell (check out his online book Intellectual Privilege: Copyright, Common Law, and the Common Good) mentioned that he thought a recent case involving Daystar Technologies rules out using trademark to protect copyright in which case the ERB business model may be in serious trouble. Anyone else with IP expertise (Stephan?) have any comments?
Milton Thompson (who happens to be the lawyer-agent for Star Treks Avery Brooks) mentioned that the performers he works with are less and less interested in controlling copyright and are relying less and less on IP in their business models.
I was delighted to learn that Liberty Fund will be publishing a new translation (by Dennis OKeefe, translator of Constants Principles of Politics) of Molinaris Soirées. (Though this isnt necessarily a reason to abandon my own translation-in-progress if the term progress really applies to a project that hasnt been updated since 2003 since it would also be nice to have a version available without copyright restrictions.)
Wendy McElroy
An interesting letter from a reader opens by quoting an article she mistakenly attributes to me. The article/blog post in question is Support Your Local Rape Gang by William N. Grigg on the Pro Libertate blog. The confusion arose because the post ends with the note, Thanks to Wendy McElroy and "CLS" at Classically Liberal for their work on this story -- in short, my name was the first one the reader saw at the end of the piece. (BTW, I thank Grigg in return for his impassioned and in-depth analysis of the story upon which I commented on August 11th in the post Teach Children to Fear the Police.)
The news story in question dealt with an 18-year-old high school student who was brought into a detention center in Kentucky on traffic charges. Three deputies teased the teenager about his physical appearance and, then, broke procedure by housing him with violent criminals who proceeded to rape him repeatedly over a period of hours. Some accounts state that the 3 deputies solicited the assault upon the boy. Certainly, the deputies and their co-workers would have been aware of the boy's screams for help through the night. Reports were falsified to cover the incident.
That's the background. Here's the letter I received from a mother who had a less dramatic but chilling story to tell about her young son's run-in with the police state. One of the reasons her story is chilling, BTW, is because I think it is more typical and far more common than the jailhouse rape. Two key differences: her son's brutalization by the system is stretched out over years, and no one will be held accountable for the boy's nightmares.
K. writes...
I recently read your article on the prison guards in KY where you said...
Living down to every cinematic stereotype of the dim-witted, in-bred rural prison guard (stereotypes have to come from somewhere, I suppose), the deputies told the young boy he'd make a good"girlfriend" for some of the other inmates. [Note: the quote is from Grigg. The photos of the deputies that Grigg posts at the head of his article, however, do look like the nightmare trio from a rough roadhouse bar...They look like the type that casting agents would send up for dumb thug roles.]
This has bothered me since I read it because it is so absolutely true.
There is something desperately wrong in Kentucky. I am a Buckeye from XXX living in KY due to being rendered homeless by foreclosure.
Please let me tell you about my 14 year old son. I will try to summarize so please bear with me.
Last Sept. two 17 year old boys climbed over a fence and entered the swimming pool which sits right beside the skate park in a tiny little KY town called West Liberty. Once they got in, they opened a gate and 5 younger boys also went in. My son who was 13 then was one of them. The boys engaged in what boils down to vandalism or possibly criminal trespass. They drew on the walls and unrolled toilet paper took down the mirrors and put them outside. They did not to my knowledge steal anything or cause any major damage. I am not sure how the police found out who the older boys were but when they questioned them they admitted what they had done and gave them the names of the younger ones.
The next day my son was walking down the street and was stopped by the police and questioned. He was told if he did not tell them what they all did they would take him to jail. He was forced to write a statement -word for word - what they told him to write or once again they would take him to jail. He was not allowed to contact me or offered the opportunity to speak to a lawyer. Just forced to write. He has had no prior dealings with the police so needless to say he was very scared.
When he came home that night he told me about his encounter. I had him try to write down exactly what he wrote for them. Once he told me his part in this which was"I helped carry a mirror out" I saw a completely different story on paper. I knew something was wrong.
A week later a cop called me and wanted his SS number. He then told me 6 of the 7 boys were being charged with Felony 3 Burglary -mine was one of them. When I asked why such a serious charge he said"Because all of their stories match".
I guess they would all match since they were all forced to write the same thing. So FF to court. None of the boys could afford a 'real' lawyer so all were processed by a public defender - all 6 boys had the same one because there is only one! 4 of the 6 plead guilty very early on and one I was told got a deal to testify against anyone who they needed him to. Only me and another Mom held out and asked for trial because we both knew our kids rights had been violated. When I told the public defender I would not let my son plead guilty he got pretty angry. He told me he would not be allowed to represent my son unless he plead guilty. I would have to pay someone else.
There was also the matter of restitution. When I asked how much, he got annoyed with me and said no one had came up with a dollar amount -yet. I knew this was a lie because this was now JULY. The pool was repaired and had been open since May. Let me add that the pool is owned by the Kiwanis- who just happen to be all the men who own and run the town including the court system and including the one and only prosecutor. A special prosecutor had to be brought in from another county.
So, on Aug XX, I was forced to allow my son to plead guilty. The other mother too. Both boys received 30 days in Juvenile Detention - 23 were suspended. They have to serve 3 weekends. After your story on the guards I seriously considered fleeing the state but I am quite sure they would issue a warrant for me because restitution has not been paid. Restitution has been determined to be $4200.00 which is laughable. My son's (my) share is $710.00. I guess they bought the expensive paint.
Here is the best part. My child is on probation until he is 18. I have met with the probation officer the same day. During our first visit she informed my son that if she comes to our house someone better open the door because she would come with the cops. She said if she felt like it she would come into our home and flip the beds over if we were sleeping. This woman has threatened 3 times now to"take him away for a year if he does anything wrong" She goes to the school and talks to him alone and the principal must report any problems to her. He has 8 pm curfew which is fine - he is never out anywhere without me anyhow. He is on voice monitoring which is a automated phone call to check and make sure he is at home. If he is not going to be home he has to call her long distance ahead of time, which is ridiculous.
My son has done 2 of his 3 weekends so far. This past weekend he spent his time listening to a 16 year old girl tell him how she and some others robbed and murdered a old man. She gave him all the details too. The other boy did one weekend and then missed a day of school so when he returned he was arrested and got 30 days.
The young man in your article who was raped should have never even been taken to jail. Come on - it was traffic and he was 18 years old. In KY people have NO RIGHTS - Its do as you are told -or else. Schools are the same way. There is no rewards for the positive just punishment for negative. People are taught not to BACK TALK. My kids are afraid to ask for a pack of ketchup at McDonald's these days. Roadblocks are set up just to try to catch people driving with no license. God help anyone who is dumb enough to try that -you automatically go to jail. Where you are placed in a life threatening situation where you are helpless. Especially children.
The young man in your article who was raped should have never even been taken to jail. Come on - it was traffic and he was 18 years old. In KY people have NO RIGHTS - Its do as you are told -or else. Schools are the same way. There is no rewards for the positive just punishment for negative. People are taught not to BACK TALK. My kids are afraid to ask for a pack of ketchup at McDonald's these days. Roadblocks are set up just to try to catch people driving with no license. God help anyone who is dumb enough to try that -you automatically go to jail. Where you are placed in a life threatening situation where you are helpless. Especially children.
Your comment on the stereotype is driving me insane because it did come from somewhere and it is so obvious to those who do not belong here. I am forced to turn my son over to people who I swear look just like the 3 guards. There is something very wrong here, something very evil. I want to say - its all about the money... but it is more than that.
Steven Horwitz
"I'm much more concerned with communicating how I intend to help middle-class families live their lives."
Oh gee, thanks Obama, but I'll pass on your"help." I'd prefer the empty rhetoric, if that's okay with you.
The elitism that suggests that middle-class families need his"help" in living their lives is exceeded only by the hubris of him believing he knows what it is that they supposedly need. I'm pretty sure most of the middle-class, more and more of whom are moving up and out of the middle class, can figure out how to live their lives on their own, thankyouverymuch.
It's a sad state of affairs that as bad as Obama is, he's probably not quite as bad as the other major party candidate.
Chris Matthew Sciabarra
The Democratic National Convention began last night, providing a few high moments for the party faithful. But I got a few chuckles while catching up on my reading last night.
Michael Moore tells the New York Daily News:"At this point, we need to try anything---and Obama is anything. And if he doesn't do the job we can throw the bum out in four years." (Just don't forget the old maxim: the job of the new president is to make the last president look good. Granted, a President Obama would have to go a long way to achieving that goal.)
Oh, and in a very interesting NY Times magazine article on"Advanced Obamanomics," David Leonhardt calls Obama a"free-market loving, big-spending, fiscally conservative, wealth redistributionist." A study in contradiction. What else is new? The article contains this classic howler:
The government has deregulated industries, opened the economy more to market forces and, above all, cut income taxes. Much good has come of this---the end of 1970s stagflation, infrequent and relatively mild recessions, faster growth than that of the more regulated economies of Europe. Yet, laissez-faire capitalism hasn't delivered nearly what its proponents promised. It has created big budget deficits, the most pronounced income inequality since the 1920s and the current financial crisis.
Laissez-faire capitalism? Laissez-faire capitalism?
It's a fairly typical exercise by contemporary political pundits; every so often, just"free-up" the mixture of regulation and market forces in the everyday see-saw of mixed economic policies and then blame laissez-faire capitalism for the mess.
Anyway, after some truly rousing Olympics in Beijing, the real political Olympics have only begun; pass the popcorn.
Cross-posted to Notablog.
Amy H. Sturgis
David T. Beito


The first photo is of the El Paso police from 1917 in front of their paddy wagon and the second is a modern SWAT Team.
As the first photo shows, it was once standard practice for police officers to wear long jackets to cover up their guns, apparently lest they offend civilians. The cop of the beat in just about any Hollywood movie in the 1930s dressed similarly. Apparently, this was a vestige of an anti-militarist tradition. Now, of course, the police seem to proudly brandish their guns in public at every opportunity.
Does anyone know any of research on when and why the shift from the old tradition of covering up guns? Who pushed the change and who, if anyone, opposed it?
Lester Hunt
During the agony of the Clinton sex scandals I tried to interest a class I was teaching on moral character in writing a term paper on this issue, and they were struck dumb -- literally -- by the suggestion that there is a discussable issue here. When I prodded them with a few questions, I was told that the idea that a politician's sexual behavior is relevant to our moral or political judgments about them as politicians is a myth invented by cynical Republicans, who are pursuing their own political ends. In other words, as a philosophical issue, it is utterly beneath contempt. Well, then, I said, what do you think of the Mother of All Character Issues: Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemmings. If these allegations are true, do they give us some reason to chisel him off Mount Rushmore? Or not? What do you think? Anybody? Anybody?
No one wrote on that issue. I concluded that the students' view was probably the standard one among Democrats at the time, including those who constitute almost 90% of my esteemed colleagues at the university. I am neither a Democrat nor a Republican, and I can only gain insight into how such people think in the same way that an anthropologist finds out about the beliefs of distant tribes: by observing the behavior of others. Introspection is less than no help at all. Today, using the same methods, I conclude that things have changed. During the flap about Edwards, it became obvious that many of his supporters (or former supporters) it were genuinely disappointed by his behavior. Today, his political status seems to be somewhere in the category of damaged goods.
What do I think about this issue, other than that it really is an issue?I have actually written on theoretical issues that bear on this question but every time it pops up I find myself thinking about -- not some theory or argument but -- a comment someone made to me while we were watching a movie.
He was a Russian scientist, here to do research, and we were watching the original airing of a made-for-cable biopic about Stalin, in the early years of the Clinton agonies. During a scene in which Stalin (Robert Duval) was treating his wife, Nadezhda, in a particularly beastly way (she later committed suicide), my companion became very upset and said something like:"This is what drives be crazy. How can people say that the way Clinton treats women has nothing to do with what we should think of him as a politician? What Stalin was doing to his wife, he later did to the whole country! The same thing!"
A similar point is made about Hitler's relationship with Geli Raubal in a fairly good novel by Ron Hansen. I hope it is obvious that I am not comparing Clinton and Edwards to Hitler and Stalin -- the issue here is the (in some broad sense) logical one of whether the"private" realm of a person's life is a separate compartment from the"public" one, with no inferences (not even probablistic ones) allowed from one to the other.
To accept the compartmentalization idea is very close to denying that there is such a thing as moral character at all. The idea of character is the idea that there is a certain kind of connection between one's acts: that people act from traits, like courage and cowardice. If you do a brave thing, that is evidence that you have the trait of courage and are a courageous person. Not conclusive evidence, because acting out of character is possible. Compartmentalization is also possible. A person can be a hero in the face of physical dangers and a coward about moral ones. I don't deny for a minute that this sort of looseness and independence between the parts of one's life is possible. But the compartmentalization idea implies that such things are not merely possible but necessary.
In effect, the compartmentalization idea says that, necessarily, there two Stalins: the one who abused Nadezhda, and the one who abused Russia. It is simply a coincidence that they were both abusive. But why only two? Applied consistently, the idea would disintegrate the person into an infinitude of homunculi, with no connection between them. That, of course, is not how things are.
Chris Matthew Sciabarra
Jonathan J. Bean
Jeffrey Rogers Hummel
Now two of the most prominent libertarian economists on the blogosphere have started to discuss government default as well, possibly arising from other causes. Tyler Cowen wrote:"When it comes to the mortgage agencies, there is no real choice but to bail out the debt holders. The alternative is a run on the dollar and collapse of faith in U.S. government securities and the end of the world." This inspired Arnold Kling to consider the potentiality of such a government default in two successive posts: here and here.
There seems to be a certain tension between Tyler's argument for bailouts and some of his other opinions. He wrote in a subsequent post that although"I have very much favored the 'bailouts' to date [,] I don't favor that they were necessary." The statement is difficult to interpret. If it means anything more than that Tyler prefers utopia if possible, it suggests that he wishes the U.S. had a macroeconomic regime in which the alternative to bailouts was not"the end of the world." Yet Tyler has also dismissed free banking and/or a gold standard as providing no significant benefits over the current system of central bank-managed fiat money. But isn't fiat money managed by a central bank a major feature of what, in Tyler's opinion, links the future of the mortgage agencies to the future of the U.S. dollar?
More important, would a U.S. government default indeed be"the end of the world"? Tyler's scenario contains many implicit assumptions that require examination. The first is that saving Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae decreases the probability of U.S. default. As Mark Brady pointed out to me, one could plausibly argue just the opposite. In fact, a firm refusal to bail out the mortgage agencies would establish a strong barrier between U.S. Treasuries and the fortunes of not only the mortgage agencies themselves but also the myriad other institutions that we can imagine receiving similar treatment. Wouldn't that in fact help maintain confidence in U.S. government securities?
A second assumption in Tyler's scenario is that what happens to U.S. Treasuries and what happens to the dollar are inextricably intertwined. It is true that fiat money makes it harder than would a gold standard to separate the fate of a government's money from that of its debt; but it is certainly not impossible to do so. Treasury securities are second-order claims to central bank-issued dollars. Although both may be ultimately backed by the government's power of taxation, that in no way prevents government from discriminating between the priority of the claims. After the American Revolution the U.S. repudiated its paper money and yet successfully honored its debt (in gold). What in theory prevents it from doing the reverse in the future?
That the U.S. in fact would do the reverse is implied by some of the observations (with which I generally agree) that Tyler has made about the recent record of the Fed and other central banks. Seigniorage has become a trivial source of revenue in developed countries with widespread fractional reserve banking. Yet Tyler seems to blithely assume that a major fiscal crisis would lead the U.S. government to resort to inflationary finance. If the double-digit inflation experienced by the U.S. during the 1970s covered no more than 2 percent of central government expenditures, imagine the hyperinflation that would be necessary to cover even a two-thirds increase in total federal expenditures, a conservative projection of what current Social Security and Medicare benefits would require over the next half century. Central bank independence, moreover, permits the Fed to isolate the dollar from such a fiscal crisis. And given a choice between only default on its debt, and both default on its debt and collapse of its currency, I expect the Treasury and the Congress would gratefully acquiesce.
But my major disagreement with Tyler and Arnold is that I believe that a U.S. government default, rather than being "the end of the world," could possibly be a good thing. I even advocated repudiating the national debt in a 1981 issue of CALIBER (the newsletter of the California Libertarian Party), long before predicting a default. My arguments were moral, economic, and political, and I would only soften them slightly today.
The moral argument for repudiation is easiest to follow although by itself says nothing about the practical results. Treasury securities represent a stream of future tax revenues, and investors have no more just claim to those returns than to any investment in a criminal enterprise. I favor total repudiation of all government debt for the same reason I favor abolition of slavery without compensation to slaveholders.
The economic argument depends on whether Ricardian Equivalence holds. Repudiating government debt eliminates future tax liabilities. To the extent that people correctly anticipate those liabilities, the value of private assets (including human capital) should rise over the long run by the same amount that the value of government securities falls. Thus, people will gain or lose depending how closely their wealth is associated with the State. If on the other hand, people underestimate their future tax liabilities, they suffer from a fiscal or "bond illusion" in which Treasury securities make them feel wealthier than they actually are. Debt repudiation will bring their expectations into closer alignment with reality, which should increase saving.
When I survey students in my classes, most of them claim to have no realistic expectation that social security will be there for them when they retire. If they are being honest, and they act on this belief as they earn income, then Ricardian Equivalence should hold for those liabilities, making any default less painful. These of course are all long-run effects, and the current market hysteria about the subprime crisis leaves me far less sanguine than I once was about the short-run financial turmoil following a Treasury default.
The political consequences are the trickiest to analyze. A government default is certainly a balanced-budget amendment with real teeth. Moreover, government defaults in the past, when not obviated by bailouts from other governments, seem to have had positive political consequences. Compare the widespread defaults of American state governments in the 1830s, with their cascading benefits--reluctance of states to set up government-owned railroads the way they had government-owned canals, balanced-budget constitutional amendments at the state level which even today impose lingering constraints, a general state retrenchment in a period of increasing laissez faire, among others--with the baleful consequences of the failure to repudiate the Revolutionary War debt, the most notorious of which was replacement of the Articles of the Confederation with the U.S. Constitution. During the late 1830s, President Martin Van Buren blocked any national bailout of the states, and yet the world did not end, and indeed the U.S. continued on the path of sustained growth that it had only recently started down. Unfortunately nowadays, with the U.S. and assorted international agencies stepping in to stave off sovereign defaults, we don't have good recent comparisons.
The greatest potential political benefit of a future government default would be the end of the democratic welfare state. In fact, nearly all the social democracies seem to be approaching similar fiscal crises at the same time. Even though the U.S. started its pay-as-you-go social insurance later than most of the rest, it has caught up with them because, rather than rationing medical services with national health care, it subsidizes medical services. Nor is it likely that the U.S. government will be able to turn to any combination of explicit taxes and siegniorage to stave off the crisis. I've already explained the futility of relying exclusively on seigniorage. Federal taxes as a percent of GDP have been roughly constant since 1960, bumping up against 20 percent. That is an astonishing statistic when you think about it. There have been numerous tax changes over what is nearly half a century, with rates sometimes rising and sometimes falling, and still the total bite out of the economy has not changed much. The chances that Americans would put up with a doubling of that bite strikes me as close to nil. Look at the problems Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger faces with only a minor tax increase in the face of California's fiscal straits.
So when the default occurs, I expect it to happen very fast, much like the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union. While the Social Security and Hospital Insurance trust funds only provide the verisimilitude of full funding, that is enough to create a seeming firewall between the Treasury debt and social insurance obligations. All that is required for investors to change their expectations is some signal that the firewall is an illusion, such as Congress dipping into general revenues to finance Social Security or Hospital Insurance. (The other parts of Medicare are already financed partly out of general revenues.) Suddenly investors will realize that the enormous $70 trillion unfunded liability (Kotlikoff's estimate) does affect the Treasury's ability to honor its debt. Once a default risk premium appears on Treasuries, with the need to constantly roll over of the debt, things will be over quickly. The Fed won't have the time, much less the ability, to inflate the Treasury out of its problems, even if it wanted to.
The social-democratic welfare State will come to end, just as socialism came to an end. Socialism was doomed by the calculation problem identified by Mises and Hayek. Mises also argued that the mixed economy was unstable, and the dynamics of intervention would inevitably drive it towards socialism or laissez faire. But in this case, he was mistaken; a century of experience has taught us that the client-oriented, power-broker State is the gravity well toward which public choice drives both command and market economies. What will ultimately kill the welfare State is that its centerpiece, government-provided social insurance, is simultaneously above political reproach and beyond economic salvation. Fully funded systems could have survived, but politicians had little incentive to enact fully funded systems, and much less incentive to impose the huge costs of converting from pay-as-you-go.
Whether the inevitable collapse of social democracies will be a good or bad thing depends on what replaces them. The travails of post-Communist countries can be a source of either optimism or pessimism, depending on where you look. But the lesson libertarians should take away from all this is to stop wasting their time on social insurance reforms that have no chance of implementation and small chance of working, even if implemented. Most of them are half-way measures that reduce only a portion of the unfunded liability with tax increases or benefit decreases, and try to cover the remainder with either smoke-and-mirror cuts in other government programs or hand-waving about higher growth rates. Libertarians instead should be helping people to accept the inevitable by explaining why government intervention dooms social insurance and why only voluntary alternatives are viable over the long run. This is the best way to ensure that what comes after the democratic welfare State is something better.
Wendy McElroy
Emily Feder's piece entitled "At JFK Airport, Denying Basic Rights Is Just Another Day at the Office" on Alternet is excellent in a bone-chilling way. Feder writes, I was recently stopped by Homeland Security as I was returning from a trip to Syria. What I saw in the hours that followed shocked and disturbed me. She concludes, In the past five years I have worked for human rights and refugee advocacy organizations in Serbia, Russia and Croatia, including the International Rescue Committee and USAID. I have traveled to many different places, some supposedly repressive, and have never seen people treated with the kind of animosity that Homeland Security showed that night. In Syria, border control officers were stern but polite. At other borders there have been bureaucracies to contend with -- excruciating for both Americans and other foreign nationals. I've met Russian officials with dead, suspicious looks in their eyes and arms tired from stamping so many visas, but in America, the Homeland Security officials I encountered were very much alive -- like vultures waiting to eat.
Feder's observations accord with my own, far more limited travel experiences. Even the customs guards in Communist China were professional and polite (in a bored way) compared to almost every American security or customs official I've encountered. Travel agents up here (in Canada) say that one of the most common requests they hear is"How do I avoid making a connection in the U.S.?" Going through an American aiport is like being processed through a prison or an animal stockyard. And Feder is correct; one of the most unsettling aspects is that American guards are not just doing a job; they seem to be emotionally invested in it and swollen with an arrogant enjoyment of authority.
Which is not to excuse those security agents who are just doing a job. You do not escape responsibility for brutalizing someone just because you are being paid to do so. Taking money to strip them of rights should make your actions more and not less despicable. And, yet, agents hide their bruality behind"just doing my job" or"just following orders."
The libertarian philosopher Robert Nozick said that some bucks stop with all of us. How we chose to treat the rights and dignity of another human being is one of those bucks. There is no such thing as disappearing into the job or behind the uniform and, so, becoming the bureaucratic"nobodies that Hannah Arendt portrayed in her book Responsibility and Judgment, in which she uses a wonderful term she had coined : the"banality of evil". The banality when evil becomes an unthinking routine -- the agent who says"just doing my job and watching the clock while I violate your rights." Arendt writes,"The greatest evildoers are those who don't remember because they have never given thought to the matter."
The trouble with the Nazi criminals was precisely that they renounced voluntarily all personal qualities, as if nobody were left to be either punished or forgiven. They protested time and again that they had never done anything out of their own initiative, that they had no intentions whatsoever, good or bad, and that they only obeyed orders. To put it another way: the greatest evil perpetrated is the evil committed by nobodies, that is, by human beings who refuse to be persons. Within the conceptual framework of these considerations we could say that wrongdoers who refuse to think by themselves what they are doing and who also refuse in retrospect to think about it, that is, go back and remember what they did (which is teshuvah or repentance), have actually failed to constitute themselves into somebodies. By stubbornly remaining nobodies they prove themselves unfit for intercourse with others who, good, bad, or indifferent, are at the very least persons.
In his work"On Civil Disobedience," Henry David Thoreau made a similar point while pondering the Mexican-American war. Thoreau wondered about the psychology of men who would fight a war and, perhaps, kill strangers out of obedience. He concluded that soldiers, by virtue of their absolute obedience to the state, become somewhat less than human. He wrote, “Now, what are they? Men at all? or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in power? Visit the Navy Yard, and behold a marine, such a man as an American government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black arts--a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity…” This is how “the mass of men” employed by the state render service to it, “not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies.” In doing so, the men relinquish the free exercise of their moral sense and, so “put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones.”
In putting on their uniforms, agents of the state discard their humanity.
Robert Higgs
For example, commercial and industrial loans at all commercial banks were $1,503.6 billion as of June 1, 2008. This loan volume is almost 19 percent greater than it had been a year earlier, 34 percent greater than two years earlier, and 53 percent greater than three years earlier.
Or consider real estate loans at all commercial banks, which were $3,644.9 billion as of June 1, 2008. This loan volume is 5.5 percent greater than it had been a year earlier, 17 percent greater than two years ago, and 33 percent greater than three years ago.
Or consider total consumer credit outstanding , which was $2,586.3 billion as of June 30, 2008. This loan volume is 5.6 percent greater than it had been a year earlier, 10.9 percent greater than two years earlier, and 15.2 percent greater than three years earlier.
Moreover, as elementary economic theory shows us, a fall in the real interest rate (for some securities, as I’ve reported, to approximately zero), at the same time that the volume of funds being lent has increased, can result only from an increase in the supply schedule of loanable funds relative to the demand schedule.
So, I repeat: the economy is awash in loanable funds, and the unprecedented volume of such funds now being supplied appears to be the obvious explanation for why real interest rates are so low in so many financial markets. To be sure, the least qualified would-be borrowers are not being served as readily as they were two to five years ago. Good. People who present nothing more than a warm body with a pulse should not be viewed as well qualified to receive unsecured loans; nor should they be given loans premised on the foolish expectation that all real estate will appreciate forever.
As for those funky derivatives, the institutions and individuals who invested in them ought to have learned a valuable lesson: do not trust some guy with a Ph.D. from MIT to tell you what a security is worth; insist on seeing actual market values. If no such values exist, don’t be a fool by investing in something you don’t understand and can’t rely on. I agree that all these crappy securities still sitting on certain firms’ balance sheets (or lurking off to the side) pose a big problem for those firms. Fortunately for them, and unfortunately for us poor taxpaying peons, many of these firms have friends in high places at the Fed and the Treasury. The bailouts have already begun, and more of them are almost certain to follow
Roderick T. Long
[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]
The Molinari Society will be holding its fifth annual Symposium in conjunction with the Eastern Division of the American Philosophical Association in Philadelphia, December 27-30, 2008. Heres the latest schedule info:
GIX-3. Monday, 29 December 2008, 1:30-4:30 p.m.As part of the APAs new policy to prevent free riders, theyre not telling us the name of the room until we get to the registration desk. As part of our policy of combating evil we will of course broadcast the name of the room far and wide as soon as we learn it.
Molinari Society symposium: Authors Meet Critics:
Crispin Sartwells Against the State: An Introduction to Anarchist Political Theory and
Roderick T. Long and Tibor R. Machan, eds., Anarchism/Minarchism: Is a Government Part of a Free Country?
Philadelphia Marriott Downtown, 1201 Market Street, Room TBA
Chair: Carrie-Ann Biondi (Marymount Manhattan College)
Critics:
Nicole Hassoun (Carnegie Mellon University)
Jennifer McKitrick (University of Nebraska-Lincoln)
Christopher Morris (University of Maryland)
Authors:
John Hasnas (Georgetown University)
Lester H. Hunt (University of Wisconsin-Madison)
Charles Johnson (Molinari Institute)
Roderick T. Long (Auburn University)
Jan Narveson (University of Waterloo-Canada)
Crispin Sartwell (Dickinson College)
William Thomas (Atlas Society)
Happily, we have once again avoided any schedule conflicts with either the American Association for the Philosophic Study of Society (Dec. 28th, 11:15 -1:15) or the Ayn Rand Society (Dec. 28th, 2:00-5:00).
In other news, the schedule for next months Alabama Philosophical Society meeting in Orange Beach is now online.
Wendy McElroy
A buzz term is appearing with increased frequency in the literature and programs surrounding education at both the public school and university levels: Cultural competence. Parents would do well to ask,"What is it, and how could it affect my children?"
The term “cultural competence” first arose in connection with health care services, where a standard definition is,"services that are respectful of and responsive to the cultural and linguistic needs of the patient." This means, for example, health care providers should be able to communicate with a non-English-speaking patient. They should take other cultural differences into account as well; for example, a clinic might arrange for a female doctor to perform a pelvic exam on a Muslim woman.
The term has migrated from health care to education, however, where its definition has shifted. In theory, cultural competence in the classroom can involve nothing more than training teachers to be more effective with children from diverse backgrounds. For example, a teacher may take a student’s race into account when assigning readings in history that are most likely to interest him.
But the term is notoriously vague and elastic in its application. This is not surprising. After all, its two component words – “culture” and “competence” – are themselves difficult to define.
Most of the formal definitions that are offered in policy statements clarify little. The one offered by the National Association of School Psychologists is typical, “Cultural competence is defined as a set of congruent behaviors, attitudes, and policies that come together in a system, agency, or among professionals and enables that system, agency, or those professionals to work effectively in cross-cultural situations.”
The best way to slice through such obscuring jargon and arrive at an understanding of cultural competence is to examine how it functions as a policy in the school system. In practice, the term often looks like political correctness being applied in a new manner.
Political correctness is a term used by the New Left to refer to policies that aim at achieving ‘social justice’ and respect for minorities. (Minorities are defined in various ways including racially and sexually.) PC policies encourage speech or behavior that promote these goals and discourage speech or behavior deemed to be counter-productive. Thus, political correctness is a powerful tool through which schools can impose a social agenda. In this context, cultural competence acts as a filtering mechanism by which only those who agree or at least comply with the specific agenda can expect to be licensed, hired, or advanced within the system.
An example of how political correctness and cultural competence function in the public schools occurred in 2005. A Lexington, Massachusetts school sent kindergarten students home with a Diversity School Bag. It included a book with drawings of different families, including a gay couple, in order to indicate that all family arrangements are equally valid. As a father, David Parker objected.
He insisted that teaching attitudes toward sexuality was his jurisdiction as a parent. This is a common objection: namely, that the teaching of [italic]any[italic] social or sexual values to children is properly the jurisdiction of parents, not the government.
Parker was arrested when he refused to leave the principal’s office without the school’s promise to notify him if homosexuality was going to be discussed with his son in class. He co-filed a lawsuit to challenge the school’s policy. In late February 2007, the suit was dismissed from federal court. In his decision, Chief Judge Mark L. Wolf stated that parents have no right of input into public school curriculum. Families who don’t agree with the curriculum can send their children to private schools or home school.
The content of the controversial curriculum expresses political correctness: the goal of teaching children to accept the ‘proper’ social value of homosexuality and heterosexuality being equally valid family choices. In Lexington, that expression includes arresting a parent who strenuously but peacefully objected.
Cultural competence has the same goal but its methodology is different. Cultural competence is a policy applied to educators which requires them to conform to standards of political correctness as a prerequisite of their licensing, hiring, firing or promotion. The policy is a filtering process by which public schools attempt to ensure that administrators and teachers will express the ‘proper’ values to children. It directly targets teachers rather than students. As such, it tends to function more behind-the-scenes and, so, it is less visible to parents and the public. Yet the impact upon children's education is dramatic. By homogenizing the values of those who educate, other values tend to be pre-filtered out of the information and discussion occurring in a classroom.
Norman Levitt, a Professor of Mathematics at Rutgers University, explains “'Cultural competence' is, in essence, a bureaucratic weapon. 'Cultural competence', or rather, your presumed lack thereof, is what you will be clobbered with if you are imprudent enough to challenge or merely to have qualms about 'affirmative action', 'diversity' and 'multiculturalism', as those principles are now espoused by their most fervent academic advocates.”
In terms of the public school system, the clobbering of teachers who might disagree is often pre-emptive.
Consider the case of Ed Swan. In fall 2005, Swan was a student at Washington State University's College of Education (WSU) when he was threatened with “termination” from the program because of his conservative religious and political views. Without graduating, he could not obtain teaching credentials. The specific barrier to his graduation was the college’s 10-point"professional dispositions evaluation" form that rated a student’s “understanding of the complexities of race, power, gender, class, sexual orientation, and privilege in American society." Washington State (the government) requires the WS College of Education to attest to each student's good character before graduation; indeed, the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education has urged that teachers in all states be evaluated on their “dispositions” – that is, on their moral stance and sense of social justice -- as well as on their knowledge and skill. (Disposition evaluation is one of the main tools through which cultural competence in teachers is assured.)
Swan failed the evaluation four times. His grades were A-level but his views were unacceptable. For example, he was critical of affirmative action programs because he believed the law should treat everyone the same. One evaluator wrote on the form, “[Mr. Swan has] revealed opinions that have caused me great concern in the areas of race, gender, sexual orientation, and privilege."
WSU’s threat of expelling Swan came with a loophole. If he signed a contract with the College to attend diversity training and agreed to their continuing scrutiny of his “disposition”, then he could continue through the program. Instead, Swan contacted the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, which is renowned for taking legal action on behalf of students whose constitutional rights are being violated by the educational system. The contract demand was dropped. Swan was allowed to graduate.
WSU’s “disposition evaluation” is not uncommon. Robert KC Johnson – Professor of History at Boston College – commented in an article in ]Inside Higher Education (May 23, 2005) on the impact that political correctness has had upon teacher-training programs. Johnson wrote, “The faculty’s ideological imbalance has allowed three factors — a new accreditation policy, changes in how students are evaluated and curricular orientation around a theme of ‘social justice’ — to impose a de facto political litmus test on the next cohort of public school teachers.”
Johnson offered several examples of how specific universities have embedded “social justice” requirements into their teacher-training programs; he could have offered many more. In 2002, the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education changed its accreditation requirements to require dozens of teacher training programs to measure each student’s disposition on “social justice.” The revised accreditation requirement read, in part,"Unit assessments must also reflect the dispositions identified in its conceptual framework and in professional and state standards…For example, if the unit has described its vision for teacher preparation as ‘Teachers as agents of change’ and has indicated that a commitment to social justice is one disposition it expects of teachers who can become agents of change, then it is expected that unit assessments include some measure of a candidate’s commitment to social justice.”
Most university teacher training programs now include some form of official commitment to ‘social justice’. Three of the examples offered by Johnson provide a sense of the ideological substance of these program commitments.
The University of Kansas program states that students should be “more global than national and concerned with ideals such as world peace, social justice, respect for diversity and preservation of the environment.”
Marquette’s program is committed “to social justice in schools and society” and to producing teachers who “transcend the negative effects of the dominant culture.”
The University of Toledo states, “Education is our prime vehicle for creating the ‘just’ society,” since “we are preparing citizens to lead productive lives in a democratic society characterized by social justice.”
These ‘social justice’ commitments and requirements function as a form of ideological prior restraint upon which views will be expressed in a classroom.
Some of the specifics of what constitutes 'social justice' and 'equity' emerged from a May 2004 summit sponsored by the Oregon Department of Education. The summit’s purpose was to develop a specific proposal on how to implement 'cultural competence' in education, from kindergarten to university.
Attended by"over 100 of the State's leaders in education”, the summit split into various discussion tables that evolved definitions and specifics. One table reported that 'cultural competence'"entails actively challenging the status quo...one table noted the need to incorporate institutionalized notions of power, privilege, and oppression into the definition.... Thus, for many, cultural competence is transformative and political." In practical terms, a" culturally competent" teacher"advocates for social justice"; the teacher"exhibits awareness of key concepts" such as"privilege, affirmative action"; he or she must not only"apply cultural competencies" but also"believe it."
In its five-year projection, the summit proposed to"revise rules to achieve high cultural standards including possible revocation of licensure for culturally incompetent behavior" and"to require cultural competence for license renewal." In short, even teachers who were licensed might have to toe an ideological line in order to retain their licenses.
In March 2005, the Corvallis (Oregon) Gazette Times reported,"A quiet effort by state officials to require that all newly certified Oregon teachers be 'culturally competent' looks to be dead-on-arrival in the Republican-controlled House, despite firm support from education advocates." The House stumbled over the definition of ‘cultural competence’ from the summit, which was almost certainly the standard that would have been applied under law.
The words “quiet effort” in the above news story are all-important. Parents are generally unaware of the policies under which their children’s teachers are trained or licensed. When the specifics of those policies become known, there is often a backlash such as that express by Dave Mowry, a legislative coordinator for Rep. Linda Flores. On May 11, 2005, Mowry wrote in The Oregonian, “[T]he Teachers Standards and Practices Commission and the Oregon Department of Education are backtracking, saying they really didn't mean it...Then why is it in the definition and the five-year plan and on the commission's Web site?"
Oregon may be an extreme example but PC policies have a tendency to become extreme...and quickly so.
The best protection for children against political correctness is for parents to be aware. Happily this seems to be happening more and more. As it does, strange ironies can arise. On January 22, 2007, the Ironwood Daily Globe reported that parents in the small school district of Ontonagon, Michigan were taking Chief Judge Mark L. Wolf’s advice and homeschooling their children. The result? The newspaper continued, “Board of Education President Dean Juntunen made an appeal Monday for homeschoolers to enroll their children in the Ontonagon Area School District. Juntunen explained that due to a loss of student population this year and inadequate state funding, 'we will be using up our financial cushion’.”
Cultural competence is an argument for homeschooling.

