James McPherson: Removing the Stain
[McPherson is the author of "Abraham Lincoln," "Tried by War: Abraham Lincoln as Commander in Chief" and "Battle Cry of Freedom," which won the 1989 Pulitzer Prize.]
In November 1863 president Abraham Lincoln delivered a brief address at the dedication of the soldiers' cemetery in Gettysburg. The Union dead buried there had given the "last full measure of devotion" in the bloodiest battle of a "great civil war" that would determine whether the nation founded four score and seven years earlier would "long endure" or "perish from the earth." Lincoln urged the audience—which has included millions of Americans who have read these words since 1863—to "highly resolve" that the United States "shall have a new birth of freedom." Barack Obama chose a new birth of freedom as the theme for his Inaugural Address. He took the oath of office with his hand on the same Bible Lincoln used for that purpose in 1861.
Lincoln did not define "a new birth of freedom" at Gettysburg, but his contemporaries knew what he meant. The nation had been founded on a charter of freedom which declared that "all men are created equal" and "endowed by their Creator" with the unalienable right of liberty. Yet the man who wrote these words owned many slaves. African-Americans were enslaved in all 13 states that proclaimed their freedom from British rule in 1776. "How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?" asked the English littérateur Samuel Johnson in 1775. It was a question that embarrassed the Founding Fathers and continued to plague Americans who liked to boast of their republic as a "beacon of liberty" to the oppressed peoples of other lands. Slavery soon disappeared from the states north of the Mason-Dixon line and was prohibited north of the Ohio River by the Northwest Ordinance. But the institution grew stronger than ever in the states south of these boundaries. By the mid-19th century the United States was the largest slaveholding country in the world. "The monstrous injustice of slavery," said Lincoln in 1854, "deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world—enables the enemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as hypocrites."
A growing number of Americans agreed with Lincoln. They decried not only the institution of bondage but also the "slave power" that had dominated the national government since 1789. During two thirds of those years a slaveholder had been president of the United States. Two thirds of the Speakers of the House and presidents pro tem of the Senate, as well as 20 of the 35 justices of the Supreme Court, had been from slave states. The slave power's lock on the federal government was broken by Lincoln's election in 1860 with no electoral votes from any of the 15 slave states. He won on a platform pledging restriction of the future expansion of slavery. Such restriction, Lincoln had said in his "House Divided" speech two years earlier, would place slavery "in the course of ultimate extinction." With Lincoln's victory in 1860, declared Charles Francis Adams (the son and grandson of two previous Northern presidents), "the great revolution has actually taken place ... The country has once and for all thrown off the domination of the Slaveholders."
Precisely. The slaveholders thought the same. That is why they launched a counterrevolution of Confederate independence to protect slavery from the new antislavery majority that had elected Lincoln. This pro-slavery counterrevolution ironically sealed the fate of bondage. When Confederate guns opened fire on Fort Sumter six weeks after Lincoln's inauguration, they set in motion a war that ended four years later with the extinction of slavery as well as of the Confederacy. The Civil War did not begin as a war to abolish slavery. Quite the contrary, the North's initial war aim was to "restore the Union"—a Union in which nearly half of the states were slave states. As late as August 1862—16 months into the war—Lincoln declared that "my paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that." Often misinterpreted, (cont.) Lincoln's purpose in this declaration was to prepare public opinion for the proclamation of emancipation he had already decided to issue at the right time. He had concluded that to win a war against an enemy fighting for and sustained by slavery, the North must strike against slavery. "Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed," said Lincoln in 1862. "Without slavery it could not continue ... We [want] the army to strike more vigorous blows. The administration must set an example and strike at the heart of the rebellion."...
Read entire article at Newsweek
In November 1863 president Abraham Lincoln delivered a brief address at the dedication of the soldiers' cemetery in Gettysburg. The Union dead buried there had given the "last full measure of devotion" in the bloodiest battle of a "great civil war" that would determine whether the nation founded four score and seven years earlier would "long endure" or "perish from the earth." Lincoln urged the audience—which has included millions of Americans who have read these words since 1863—to "highly resolve" that the United States "shall have a new birth of freedom." Barack Obama chose a new birth of freedom as the theme for his Inaugural Address. He took the oath of office with his hand on the same Bible Lincoln used for that purpose in 1861.
Lincoln did not define "a new birth of freedom" at Gettysburg, but his contemporaries knew what he meant. The nation had been founded on a charter of freedom which declared that "all men are created equal" and "endowed by their Creator" with the unalienable right of liberty. Yet the man who wrote these words owned many slaves. African-Americans were enslaved in all 13 states that proclaimed their freedom from British rule in 1776. "How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?" asked the English littérateur Samuel Johnson in 1775. It was a question that embarrassed the Founding Fathers and continued to plague Americans who liked to boast of their republic as a "beacon of liberty" to the oppressed peoples of other lands. Slavery soon disappeared from the states north of the Mason-Dixon line and was prohibited north of the Ohio River by the Northwest Ordinance. But the institution grew stronger than ever in the states south of these boundaries. By the mid-19th century the United States was the largest slaveholding country in the world. "The monstrous injustice of slavery," said Lincoln in 1854, "deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world—enables the enemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as hypocrites."
A growing number of Americans agreed with Lincoln. They decried not only the institution of bondage but also the "slave power" that had dominated the national government since 1789. During two thirds of those years a slaveholder had been president of the United States. Two thirds of the Speakers of the House and presidents pro tem of the Senate, as well as 20 of the 35 justices of the Supreme Court, had been from slave states. The slave power's lock on the federal government was broken by Lincoln's election in 1860 with no electoral votes from any of the 15 slave states. He won on a platform pledging restriction of the future expansion of slavery. Such restriction, Lincoln had said in his "House Divided" speech two years earlier, would place slavery "in the course of ultimate extinction." With Lincoln's victory in 1860, declared Charles Francis Adams (the son and grandson of two previous Northern presidents), "the great revolution has actually taken place ... The country has once and for all thrown off the domination of the Slaveholders."
Precisely. The slaveholders thought the same. That is why they launched a counterrevolution of Confederate independence to protect slavery from the new antislavery majority that had elected Lincoln. This pro-slavery counterrevolution ironically sealed the fate of bondage. When Confederate guns opened fire on Fort Sumter six weeks after Lincoln's inauguration, they set in motion a war that ended four years later with the extinction of slavery as well as of the Confederacy. The Civil War did not begin as a war to abolish slavery. Quite the contrary, the North's initial war aim was to "restore the Union"—a Union in which nearly half of the states were slave states. As late as August 1862—16 months into the war—Lincoln declared that "my paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that." Often misinterpreted, (cont.) Lincoln's purpose in this declaration was to prepare public opinion for the proclamation of emancipation he had already decided to issue at the right time. He had concluded that to win a war against an enemy fighting for and sustained by slavery, the North must strike against slavery. "Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed," said Lincoln in 1862. "Without slavery it could not continue ... We [want] the army to strike more vigorous blows. The administration must set an example and strike at the heart of the rebellion."...