Leonard Steinhorn: Blue-collar fault line is not to blame
[Leonard Steinhorn, a professor of communication at American University, is the author of “The Greater Generation: In Defense of the Baby Boom Legacy” (St. Martin’s Press, 2006).]
... The American society is one of dynamic capitalism, cultural rejuvenation and technological change. Because the young are best at adapting to change and learning how to translate it into our daily lives, ours has become the first country in history to transfer cultural authority from its elders to its youth.
So this youthful cohort of voters wants a president who represents the future and not the past, and Obama — not only because his very appearance symbolizes change but also because he vows to challenge an encrusted Washington, suggesting, for example, the use of C-SPAN to cover policy deliberations — has become their candidate. When he describes “the urgency of now,” he speaks directly to these voters.
Fair or not, by defining Clinton as the candidate of the status quo, Obama was able to frame this campaign as part of the narrative these younger voters use to understand America. And Clinton, by attaching herself to the older generation’s version of America, played right into Obama’s strategy.
If, as expected, Obama is nominated to run against the aging Sen. John McCain of Arizona, who has his own personal story of honor and redemption, expect this fault line to be the real subtext of the 2008 election. And if Clinton somehow prevails, the election may well hinge on whether she can pivot back and recapture this new generation of change voters that she once, years ago, so powerfully seemed to represent.
Read entire article at Politico.com
... The American society is one of dynamic capitalism, cultural rejuvenation and technological change. Because the young are best at adapting to change and learning how to translate it into our daily lives, ours has become the first country in history to transfer cultural authority from its elders to its youth.
So this youthful cohort of voters wants a president who represents the future and not the past, and Obama — not only because his very appearance symbolizes change but also because he vows to challenge an encrusted Washington, suggesting, for example, the use of C-SPAN to cover policy deliberations — has become their candidate. When he describes “the urgency of now,” he speaks directly to these voters.
Fair or not, by defining Clinton as the candidate of the status quo, Obama was able to frame this campaign as part of the narrative these younger voters use to understand America. And Clinton, by attaching herself to the older generation’s version of America, played right into Obama’s strategy.
If, as expected, Obama is nominated to run against the aging Sen. John McCain of Arizona, who has his own personal story of honor and redemption, expect this fault line to be the real subtext of the 2008 election. And if Clinton somehow prevails, the election may well hinge on whether she can pivot back and recapture this new generation of change voters that she once, years ago, so powerfully seemed to represent.