So It's Ok to Disagree with the President Again?
Historical perspective about how government can immobilize journalists is found in a statement made by a centenarian philosopher, Scott Nearing (1883-1983):
"War offers those in power a chance to rid themselves of opposition, while covering up their designs with patriotic slogans."
Nearing was a University of Pennsylvania professor of history who lost his teaching post because he spoke out against U.S. involvement in World War I. For the rest of his years, he and his wife led a satisfying, pioneer-type existence, building their own rustic homes and raising their food in truck gardens. Until his last year, he continued to chop firewood.
As a journalist for half a century, I took pride in what I learned in school-- and later on the job-- about the vital role of the press in a democracy. Then came the stunning events of 9-11, when for the first time in modern history, our mainland was attacked. Hijacked airliners killed thousands. The effect on the mass media was not fatal, but for much of a year left it in the equivalent of an intensive care unit. Nearing's words began to be uncomfortably relevant.
We were told life would never be the same. Nowhere was the change more evident than in the news media. Their response was patriotic support, natural for all of us. But the fourth estate's responsibility for covering controversy became muted, especially when related to crusade-type actions of government.
In mid-May, reality finally began to sink in with verified reports the government had failed in its response to early warnings of the attack. A major change in attitude among previously supportive newspapers marked a long overdue shift in news media reaction to"wartime" policies of government. The Chicago Tribune, long a bastion of Republicanism, and the Madison (Wis.) Capital Times were among the first to react in a way that indicated press tolerance had come to an end.
Their editorials-- and those of many other newpapers nationwide-- marked the close of an out-of-character honeymoon most of the press has had with the Bush administration since it began using its war stance to justify extreme domestic behavior. Equally damaging was a May 16 program on National Public television that suggested government response-- for better or worse-- was orchestrated by a low-profile group of"heavy hitters" consisting of nationally known figures with a reputation for hawkishness in foreign affairs."Front Line," a respected non-partisan program, made public the identity of members of the innocuous-sounding Defense Policy Review Board.
Board members are anything but innocuous. They include Richard Nixon's secretary of state, Henry Kissinger; the leading hawk of the Reagan administration, Richard Perl, and a pair of former House speakers who left that post after being discredited: Newt Gingrich and Tom Foley, a Republican and a Democrat. The behind-the-scenes group is led by the former president who is father of the man currently in the White House, George Bush. Those who long suspected the elder Bush-- once head of the CIA--pulled policy strings when he was vice-president to Ronald Reagan find it natural that he be lead ventriloquist among those now tugging the strings to the White House.
In the 17 months since the president was appointed, I've expected some vigorous response to war policies from partisans on the losing side. There was none. Democrats went into hibernation after 9-11. That's understandable in a typical war situation where need for a united front precludes partisan infighting. This is not a typical war. The enemy is hard to identify, and even harder to find.
Selected villain is a Saudi transplant into Afghanistan, Osama Bin Laden, long listed as a"terrorist." His name is heard less and less. Convenient targets were the religious fanatics who ruled the territory, the Taliban. Troops still are wandering the field. But little is heard of that war anymore. Fortunately, U.S. fatalities have been few. Unfortunately, the majority were from"friendly fire," as we unintentionally killed our own, while a wartime foe was no factor.
It's evident Democrats can't attribute their meekness to a lack of issues. A few non-political voices went after an assertive new attorney general, John Ashcroft, who landed in that sensitive post after losing his Senate race in Missouri. Some complained his policies too often reflect religious conservatism. That's trivial compared to his unprecedented assault on civil liberties.
A compliant press can't perform its essential watchdog role in a democracy. We count on it to react when an administration and its chief law officer restrict civil liberties with policies not justified by reality. Journalism forgets the words of Scott Nearing at its own risk.
If the growing list of government malfeasance charges can be adequately explained, things may calm down. If they can't, the news media must fulfill their responsibilities to history, to the public and to democracy in a way that will make Watergate seem like a cakewalk.