Blogs > Cliopatria > Polarization

Jan 15, 2011

Polarization




Voteview has some fascinating data on rising polarization in congressional votes. This chart demonstrates the continuing transformation of Congress into a quasi-parliamentary system: the 111th House was the most polarized in post-Civil War history—with the 110th House the second most polarized and the 109th House the third most polarized.

A few of the Gilded Age Senates were more polarized than the 110th and 111th Senate, though I suspect that the polarization figure will increase in the 112th Senate: five new Republicans (Ayotte, Portman, Lee, Blunt, and Rubio) are more conservative than their GOP predecessors, while two moderate Democrats (Bayh and Dorgan) retired. In any case, the more troubling development in the Senate is the de facto constitutional-amendment-by-procedure, in which the proliferation of the filibuster has created a body that for the first time in American history requires a super-majority to pass all but the most routine legislation.

In the next two years—and, if Barack Obama is re-elected, probably the next six years—divided government in Washington will blunt some of the polarized environment’s impact. But at the state level, the 2010 elections made one-party rule more common than divided government, and left all-Republican rule in a handful of states (Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Maine) more often thought of as Democratic.

As a result, some pretty hard-line policies might be coming from “blue” states. That’s especially true of my home state of Maine, where a tea-party governor, Paul LePage, is back in the news for telling the NAACP to “kiss my butt” after the organization (justifiably) criticized him for refusing to attend either of the organization’s traditional Martin Luther King, Jr. Day events. In a blistering editorial, the generally moderate Portand Press-Herald termed it “our right to expect [LePage] to represent all Mainers, not just his supporters, when conducting official state business.” But, with firm majorities in both houses of the legislature, LePage has little short-term reason to blunt his rhetoric.



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Jonathan Dresner - 1/16/2011

if LePage wanted to meet with all the prisoners, but the local NAACP wouldn't agree unless it was only the black prisoners, the NAACP is in the wrong here.

I like the "if" construction: let's make up alternative realities in which we're right!

I haven't seen anything about prisoners: we're talking about commemorative dinners here.

If there's another issue, give evidence.


David Michael Fahey - 1/16/2011

Curious about the ideology of Robert L. Bush, the apologist for the "kiss-my-butt" governor.


Robert L Bush - 1/15/2011

I see. Well I suppose one can judge the statewide branches of the NAACP independently, but it doesn't change the fact that the national NAACP has spent the last two years calling everyone that opposes the President racist, namely the people who elected the Governor (Tea Party).

In my view, if LePage wanted to meet with all the prisoners, but the local NAACP wouldn't agree unless it was only the black prisoners, the NAACP is in the wrong here.

Good for LePage.


Robert KC Johnson - 1/15/2011

To my knowledge, the Maine NAACP never adopted a position on the lacrosse case. (The performance of the North Carolina NAACP, as I noted both at DIW and in Until Proven Innocent, contradicted a whole range of ideals for which the NAACP has traditionally stood.)

As I noted in the post, the Maine NAACP has traditionally conducted two events to commemorate the MLK Holiday; Maine governors traditionally have attended these events--in part as a gesture of respect to the state's (very small) African-American community. In that respect, LePage's decision not to attend was unfortunate; his choice of language was deeply troubling.


Robert L Bush - 1/15/2011

So you're a fan of the NAACP now? Is that because of the great work they've done not calling people racists since the Duke Lacrosse Case?