UK HE Suicide Pact: Cambridge first
Since the UK Parliament passed an act raising the cap from the fees charged by universities in England for tuition of their students, all universities have known that their fees were going to have to rise; the money, as we have said here before, is going to stop flowing from other sources. However, no-one apparently wanted to be first, so much time has gone on arguing against the already-passed measure and less on actually doing the budgets. Once a market level is set, the introduction of tuition fees in 2003 suggested, everyone will cleave to it, but the negative PR of being the first university to raise its fees in the current crisis has put people off. In this climate, especial interest may have been focussed on the two universities of Oxford and Cambridge -- I say 'may' because sources inside them certainly claim it has, but of course we would wouldn't we, and here I am doing so myself -- because these two retaintheir democratic governance structures. (There are big arguments to be had about how democratic those governances really are, but most would have to agree that the final answer would still be 'more than most'.) The fee levels they choose ought, to an extent, to be consensus-based. Now, Cambridge has broken first and is asking its members for permission to ask the UK government for permission to charge the full rate of £9,000 per student, and Oxford is likely to follow suit. The number of ways in which democracy is not present in these machinations is getting fairly horrible to count, but the effects of it all are worse.
The fact that the Parliament vote passed by 323 to 302 indicates the scale of division, though that was already apparent in the make-up of Parliament, but isn't itself undemocratic. It's easy to start racking them up though:
Neither of the parties who form the current government in the UK had the increase of tuition fees in their manifesto.
The Liberal Democrats, who are where they are because at least some people voted for them, were pledged to remove tuition fees.
Both parties have, here as elsewhere, canned these pledges in the light of what they claim is the new information of actually finding out how bad the nation's financial state is; that is, they are using their mandate to depart from the plans on whose basis that mandate was awarded.
The charging of the new fees is forced upon the universities because of a withdrawal of other funding made by the Minister of Education alone, acting under powers embodied in the (Labour-installed) Higher Education Act of 2004, so that no consultation was necessary for that (I'll come back to this).
Cambridge's governance is principally made of a Council, which is small and executive, and a Regent House, which is highly inclusive, consultative and which has a right to vote on matters touching the university's constitution. Council had judged that this was not such a matter and did not in fact consult the membership on the fees levels until they got leaked, though it is putting it before them for approval now. Regent House has not been very happy about this but it is obviously going to be hard for them to refuse it and come up with other plans in the time available before budgets need to be set in March, especially given the Oxbridge universities' short terms both end soon, with a consequent drop in faculty presence.
Oxford hasn't actually left enough time to consult on its new fee levels anyway, and so whatever Council comes up with there will not be discussed by Congregation (Oxford's equivalent of Regent House in Cambridge), though parts of the university that thought this was more important than teaching did spend two days arguing that the government's plans were evil and should be ignored earlier on.1
And the Office for Fair Access makes a mockery of the whole thing anyway, since under the Labour Act of 2004, which has not been repealed in this particular, this unelected office have the right to refuse a university the right to raise their fees anyway. So if for some reason the government wants to cripple Oxbridge, it can just refuse to grant permission anyway, and the Minister for Education has already told the papers that he will consider telling the Office to do this.
I don't actually suppose that the government wants to break Oxbridge for any particular reason, as it happens. It is undeniably true, too, that Oxbridge is a lot better placed to weather the upcoming storm than less venerable and well-heeled sectors of the university community will be, because the government's funding cuts will start this financial year, and we still don't know what exactly they will be, but the revenue from tuition fees, which can only be charged to next year's intake onwards, will not start to arrive until October 2012 at the earliest. In other words, all English universities are about to hit a very nasty budgetary short-fall and their ability to recover from it, or even to guess how much it will be, still remain in the black box of Whitehall policy-making, inside which like Schrödinger's Cat we may already be dead.
It's very hard to say what this government's higher education policy actually is, except that it seems so far to fit in with their refusal to express themselves on policy at all and instead to emit contradictory informal statements about what they might eventually decide to do. If this is policy at all, it may be designed to enable the government to pass legislation that looks less bad than some of the possibilities, and thus look benevolent albeit at the cost of having previously looked extremely indecisive. That's the only way I can make sense of it, but that is going to cost England's higher education, in all sectors, very dear indeed, especially if OFFA's whip-hand is used to prevent full-scale charging, a possibility that will surely force major cutbacks in some universities' provision. The long-term result will be a commodification of education; the short-term will be job losses, students being refused places they were qualified for and the Academy allowing its internal politics to sabotage its overall quality as only it can.
It's possible that that's what the government wants, though horrifying; but I think it might be less horrifying to think that than either that they don't see that this will happen, that think someone else will magically fix it, or that they see it and don't care.
This post rests heavily on the facts and figures provided firstly by Tim Horder in"Notes on a Disaster", Oxford Magazine no. 309 (Oxford 2011), pp. 1-2 and Bruce Beckles,"Notes from Cambridge", ibid pp. 19-20, but also on the comments and links provided by JPG (especially) and others at A Corner of Tenth-Century Europe following my previous post on these issues there (which was cross-posted here). Other sources for this post are linked inline.
1. I'm actually quite glad that enough of the University care about this that we got two days' speeches about it down on record, I should say, but I would have to wonder whether letting those who put that before the students, or who have none, rather than the other way about, speak for us is always going to produce representation. This is one of the problems with the idea that Oxbridge is democratic really, the turn-out.