Blogs > Cliopatria > Interregnum

Feb 4, 2007

Interregnum




Maybe I'm alone in this, but I have a curious feeling of being stuck between historical moments. I mean this in more than one sense, or I locate the interregnum in more than one place. Or whatever I mean to say, and if you can figure it out please do call or write to let me know. Two points:

First, I grew up on newspapers and magazines, and mostly no longer bother with them. Forget what the publishers say -- I've given up on print because the owners of print media have given up on print. The Los Angeles Times that I read in the 1980s had a weekly"World Report" section full of long, detailed, and frequently quirky reporting from overseas, on topics that went beyond the quotidian news. It had a solid twice-weekly section on local government in the San Gabriel Valley, where I lived. The newspaper had active foreign bureaus, an active city bureau, a healthy representation in Sacramento, a columnist who travelled the Central Valley and wrote about the state's considerable farming community. It was solid, informed and informative, connected. It had a feeling of life.

Today there's a wind howling through the emptiness of the pages. Or I assume there is, since I haven't bothered to look at the thing in two or three years. I don't have the foggiest idea what's happening at city hall, in West Hollywood (where I live now) or in Los Angeles, and I have no faith that the Times is equipped to tell me. They certainly weren't when I stopped reading. Facing declining circulations, newspapers cut back on reporting to save money and prop up the bottom line.

It's like a deli saw a decline in the number of diners, so the owners started serving sandwiches without anything in them in order to save their business. Folks are gonna just love our new corned beef sandwich -- it's two pieces of bread with some mayo on it.

Meanwhile, the thin content that survives is getting thinner. Op-ed pages print the tiredest partisans, who spew the tiredest cliches and talking points, and please do shoot me if another Maureen Dowd column ever ends up in front of my eyes. And can anyone explain the decision at the Washington Post to print Liz Cheney's recent little junior high school essay? Why do I want to pay for that? Why would anyone? What does it contribute? What does it even say?

Meanwhile, I've saved all kinds of money on subscriptions as the magazines I used to love to read -- Esquire, Outside, and others -- have all adopted a kind of uniform empty magazine voice, in the universal empty magazine format that now relies on little bursts of simple text. Like I want to spend an hour reading chirpy captions. The Outside I loved once reported on a man who was so stricken by the coast of northern California, so helplessly heartbroken by the fact of the Pacific Ocean, that he kayaked himself to death -- he just literally to save his own life couldn't stop paddling out into the surf, and drowned in a storm that kicked up towering waves over his head. The magazine's admiration shone through every word of the story. And I shared it.

Much more recently, I knew I was done forever with Outside when I read a little blurb on great places to"sip bubbly" in comfortable wilderness-like settings.

And of course, a replacement is being built, and go ahead and note my use of passive language, there. I love the emerging culture of blogs and YouTube, and I love (as I very recently noted) the cultural commerce of the"long tail." But let's not pretend. How many bloggers cover the federal bureaucracy? How many YouTube posters are systematically examining Pentagon spending? What website uses the public records laws to keep track of what my city government is doing? The replacements for our effectively dead print media are still in very early infancy, and I doubt there's a model that makes hard news about local government a profitable model for online journalists.

There is some reporting on the blogs, and Josh Marshall seems to be the smartest example out there. But Talking Points Memo, and its associated sites, cover national politics. They don't cover the regulatory agencies; they don't have people walking the halls at the Department of Housing and Urban Development and asking where the money is going. That's what newspapers were supposed to do, and sometimes did, and there's nobody lining up to take over the job. I don't see the path by which Eschaton replaces the New York Times. And, judging by the twenty minutes it took me to sigh and slump through last week's Sunday paper, we need a replacement for the New York Times.

Second -- longest post ever, yes -- it's blindingly, radiantly, painfully clear that the American project in the Middle East is a disaster. But the path of that disaster, and the boundaries of that disaster, are far from clear, dear god help us, and will be far from clear for years. (For two years, at least, and probably for more than that.)

And it's also very much unclear how the domestic politics of that failure will shake out. The Republican party has gutshot the republic; the Democratic party helped to hold the gun and pull the trigger, and now hilariously postures as an opposition party. My own representative, Henry Waxman, is marketed as a crusader against the Bush agenda; he voted for the Patriot Act and the authorization to use military force against Iraq. Maybe I'm missing something.

So we can all see that something is ending. Bush is hopelessly lost at the grown-up table, and Cheney appears to have actually suffered a psychotic break with reality. Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz are gone, as are the people like Charles Swift and James Comey. The wars in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Somalia -- and, yes, we're at war to some degree in all three -- are drifting toward the wall; the war in Iraq is irrecoverably lost. (The war in the Philippines, I don't know.) The war with Iran, when and if it comes, will be something pretty close to The End.

But then what? The new Democratic majority in Congress is all fired up to pass some really neat nonbinding resolutions. The punditocracy is the same old gang of awful nonentities, the same Jonah Goldbergs and Michael Ledeens and other empty minds who would, in a healthy society, work at a gas station. And where does that get us? Who leads where?

And so tonight I'm reading Gordon Wood's The Creation of the American Republic, and I read this about the long muddle of the Confederation era, when the war was won but the victory wasn't working as advertised:

Many like John Jay found themselves uneasy,"more so than during the war." Then there had been a"fixed object," and although the means and timing were questionable few had had doubts of the ultimate victory. But with the coming of peace"the case is now altered." Men saw ahead of them"evils and calamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them." The evidence is overwhelming from every source -- newspapers, sermons, and correspondence -- that in the minds of many Americans the course of the Revolution had arrived at a crucial juncture.

And that's precisely where I'm left. I sense evils and calamities somewhere ahead, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them. The means by which we can discuss and investigate our circumstances are inadequate; print is dead, online media are unformed, and television news is a menace to real information and meaning. And I think the course of the Revolution, the never-secured future of the republic, is nearing a crucial juncture.

If only that juncture would show itself, whatever it is. Because it sure feels like it's overdue.



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Barry DeCicco - 5/5/2007

Chris,

Just in case you get notified of comments on this thread, I have two points.

First, you should talk with some veterans of the newspapers in the early 1960's, because the spread of TV and TV news programs probably had a similar effect. Cities with 2,3 4 or more newspapers lost some of them.

Second, a joke about the thinness of articles in magazines runs 'the articles are only there to keep the ads from rubbing together and getting damaged'. A lot of magazine publisher s probably think of their magazines as 'ad-delivery vehicles'; the articles are a pure cost item, whose only purpose is to attract eyeballs to the ads.


Sudha Shenoy - 2/5/2007

1. What about the readership? The content of schooling has been getting thinner & more vacuous: how long before the literature of the past -- at all levels -- becomes incomprehensible?

2. So who really cares about what govt officials are doing? The more recent the generation, the more the individuals thereof feel that officials are not to be questioned. Officials are a breed apart, their activities are not really for others to worry about.


Alan Allport - 2/5/2007

Seems to me that what you folks really need is a constitutional mechanism for delivering Motions of No Confidence (which are statements of general unfitness to govern and don't require any particular offense to have been committed).


cliff john - 2/5/2007

Lighten up guys...Hillary,the smartest woman on earth is on the way and will solve all your problems! Trust me...she'll make you forget all of this. Who can stop her?


Ralph E. Luker - 2/5/2007

I suspect that it is not constitutional to impeach and convict that president and the vice president in a single process. Hasn't been tried. Undoubtedly, won't be tried.


Jonathan Dresner - 2/4/2007

The question was what could be done, not what should be done.

As a practical matter, I think Congress really could tie up an adminstration with hearings and subpoenas well before the budget cycle got underway, and given the realities of budget cycles, that's not limited leverage either.

As far as impeachment goes, it would have to be an impeachment of the administration (in the form of both Prez and VP) rather than the individuals. Complicated, as a practical matter, yes.


Ralph E. Luker - 2/4/2007

As a practical political matter, impeachment is not viable and it isn't for at least three reasons: 1) the votes simply are not there for either the impeachment or conviction of the president for "high crimes and misdemeanors"; 2) if the president were impeached and convicted, the vice president assumes the presidency, resulting in _no_ policy changes; and 3) we've too recently had experience of a careless and thoroughly partisan pursuit of the impeachment process. It is no effective means of forcing change of policies and it is terribly damaging to comity.


Oscar Chamberlain - 2/4/2007

Congress can hamstring a president, but not quickly. That's because it only has leverage when developing a new budget. Existing money and powers can only be withdrawn by a veto-proof majority.

The one time that Congress made a hostile takeover was during Reconstruction, beginning in early 1867. But then, they had a veto-proof majority in the last two years of Andrew Johnson's administration. Even with that, it took the impeachment battle to get Johnson to give up on using his presidential powers to actively hinder the changes in Reconstruction power.


David J Merkowitz - 2/4/2007

Chris,
I am right along with you on the first point. Part of it I think is more purely generational than we realize. In the early sixties, many of the great 19th and 20th century newspapers went out of business. However, out of those ashes new stronger institutions developed (for awhile at least). They also hired a bunch of baby boomers. Well those boomers are now old and expensive. The newspaper industry needs a good mix across experience levels and it seems that as things got worse in the 80s and 90s, they stopped replacing people. Oh yeah, throw in their declining diversity (socio-economic) of these institutions. The right degree, the right internship, all that stuff of the last thirty years, has probably corrupted, made useless those of the younger generation that has made in.

This is something of the same problem the Detroit is having with Japanese and the big airlines with the Southwests of the world.

This is all a long way to say, I'm not sure what is next, but the key is push the boomers off stage as fast as a possible. This should open more cultural space for what is next.

I don't really jive with most of your second point. I've been reading a lot of stuff from the Seventies. One thing that really sticks out is that everybody is repeating themselves and often the same people saying the same things about how horrible shape is America is in and so on.

I actually started to have the in-between feeling just after 9/11. In a more academic context, we were reading and discussing post-modernism/structuralism and the like. It was clear to me and much of the class that the post-modern moment had passed. However, we didn't have a name for the new Zeitgeist. I think we are still searching for it.

Thanks for a great Sunday think piece.


R.J. O'Hara - 2/4/2007

I'm not sure if your second main point is a point about the US or about Iraq, Chris.

"The fond anticipations of those who had pledged everything for liberty had not only not been realized, but a worse state of affairs was produced than had ever before existed." So wrote Lemuel Shattuck in 1855 regarding the aftermath of the American Revolution that led to Shays' Rebellion. But then Shays' Rebellion led to the Constitution.

It seemed pretty bleak for many at the time, as this popular doggerel epic, The Anarchiad, attested:

IN visions fair the scenes of fate unroll,
And Massachusetts opens on my soul;
There Chaos, Anarch old, asserts his sway,
And mobs in myriads blacken all the way:
See Day's stern port–behold the martial frame
Of Shays' and Shattuck's mob-compelling name:
See the bold Hampshirites on Springfield pour,
The fierce Tauntonians crowd the alewife shore.
O'er Concord fields the bands of discord spread,
And Wor'ster trembles at their thundering tread:
See from proud Egremont the woodchuck train,
Sweep their dark files, and shade with rags the plain.
Lo, THE COURT FALLS; th' affrighted judges run,
Clerks, Lawyers, Sheriffs, every mother's son.
The stocks, the gallows lose th' expected prize,
See the jails open, and the thieves arise.
Thy constitution, Chaos, is restor'd;
Law sinks before thy uncreating word;
Thy hand unbars th' unfathom'd gulf of fate,
And deep in darkness 'whelms the new-born state.


Jonathan Dresner - 2/4/2007

Our constitutional scholars will have to speak up if I'm wrong, but I don't see any mechanism to remove a president mid-term short of impeachment or incapacity. (In theory, section 4 of the 25th amendment gives the VP and cabinet the authority to remove a President, but that seems unlikely).

An agressive Congress could hamstring a president pretty effectively, and there seems like there's always some grounds for impeachment if you really want it....


Hala Fattah - 2/4/2007

Pardon my comment,its probably off subject in its own way and for all I know,has been made before when I wasn't looking, but where is this desperation with the colossal blunders of the Iraq war getting us? Short of impeachment (which seems to be off the table),how did the Founding Fathers envisage punishing governments who made catastrophic mistakes? All I read online are wailings at the mistakes, but no-one seems to be doing anything.IS there any mechanism--in the Constitution or anywhere else--by which Americans can correct this runaway train or do you just sit and complain to one another for another two years?